Development of LGBTQ+ Rights and in Hungary: interview with the first Hungarian human geographer to focus on LGBTQ+ topics, Balázs Attila Szabó.
Rozhovor vedl Michal Pitoňák, předseda QG.
Szia (Hi) Bazsi, we are both scholars in the field of geographies of sexualities, and we have known each other for some time; I will be on a first-name basis with you. Let’s start with a few introductions. What is your background and what led you to pursue a PhD in geography at the University of Pécs?
I was born here in Pécs, and I earned my degree in geography at the local university. Since my bachelor’s studies, I have always been interested in tourism, but previously, my research focused on developing cycling tourism along abandoned railway lines. When I decided to apply for a PhD, my main motivation was to choose a topic that directly affects me, is full of challenges, and provides new insights for people here. And I wanted to open a door that was still closed in Hungary.
Your doctoral research focuses on LGBTQ+ tourism. What motivated you to study this topic, and how does it relate to your personal and professional interests?
My personal connection is simple: I am gay myself, so I belong to the LGBTQ community, and I also love traveling. From a professional perspective, I saw the socio-geographical study of the LGBT community as a major challenge—and it has indeed proven to be one. Today, writing and conducting research on this topic in Hungary is no small challenge.
Your recent research has been published in the prestigious Journal of Homosexuality. Can you tell us about it?
It’s an interesting story. At first, I tried to publish my research findings in prestigious Hungarian journals, but I was rejected by several of them. The main reason given was that they feared losing state funding or facing some form of retaliation if my article was published.
In the second round, I attempted to submit my work to a few Eastern European geography journals, but I was rejected there as well. At that point, I took a bold step and submitted my study to the Journal of Homosexuality, along with a cover letter. The editorial team was very open, and after several rounds of revisions, my study was finally published—ironically, in a far more prestigious journal than the ones that had previously rejected it.
This is unfortunately not an isolated story, I think many scholars from the region of Central and Eastern Europe would relate to it. Including myself.
Let’s talk about the development of LGBTQ+ Rights in Hungary. For many people, it may be challenging to understand what is going on these days. I think we need to step back and remember what the situation was like before Viktor Orbán returned to power in 2010. What was the state of LGBTQ+ rights in Hungary? Was there significant progress or challenges during the 1990s and early 2000s?
Yes, there was significant progress. For example, in 2004, the Equal Treatment Authority was established, and registered partnerships became available in 2009. At that time, I wasn’t following the topic as closely, but based on the literature published on the subject, there was a slow but clear positive shift in social attitudes toward the acceptance of LGBTQ people—although still significantly behind Western countries.
But then, at since 2010, Hungary has witnessed a significant rollback in LGBTQ+ rights. Could you outline the major legislative and policy changes that have affected LGBTQ+ people?
That’s right, and this happened in several waves. As I remember, the first serious homophobic actions were linked to Coca-Cola’s advertising campaign and the so-called “33rd transphobic law” (2020). These were the first radical measures that generated major media backlash.
The so-called “33rd law” (2020) had the most significant impact, as it was a legal measure that restricted name and gender changes for transgender people in Hungary—following the Russian model, of course.
Later, the first constitutional amendment related to gender issues marked another major milestone in the dismantling of LGBTQ rights. This was when the Hungarian constitution was amended to state that “the father is a man, and the mother is a woman.” At this point, references to Christian conservative education and the „traditional family” model also began to appear—naturally, under the guise of child protection. Again, following the Russian model.
During the most recent elections in 2022, a so-called “child protection referendum” was held, which included four provocative questions about media content concerning minors, sex education in schools, and the promotion of gender reassignment surgeries. Needless to say, which country served as the model. The same Russian woman holding a child, used in Russian propaganda, appeared on public billboards in Hungary.
https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/5050/hungary-lgbt-rights-referendum-viktor-orban-transgender/
https://telex.hu/belfold/2022/02/12/plakatkampany-nepszavazas-melegellenes-torveny-oroszorszag-foto
Although the referendum was ultimately declared invalid, since then, educational institutions have been prohibited from conducting any sex education or awareness programs that mention or portray homosexuality. Furthermore, LGBTQ symbols cannot be displayed within certain zones around schools, churches, and public institutions. Additionally, since 2023, bookstores have been required to wrap LGBTQ-related books in plastic because they are considered “sensitive content.” So, as we can see, there is plenty to choose from.
Are there any sociological or survey data that reflect how these policies have influenced public opinion or the lived experiences of LGBTQ+ people in Hungary?
Yes, there are sociological surveys of this kind. These can mostly be found in the works of J. Takács, I. Szalma, or R. Béres-Deák. Additionally, the NGO Háttér Society for LGBTQ People also conducts research on the topic. The annual reports of the EU Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA) may also be useful.
How have local organizations and activist groups responded to these challenges? Have they found ways to resist or navigate increasing restrictions?
NGOs play a crucial role in representing the community. Their response has been to raise their voices even louder and run stronger campaigns. There was never a moment of fear, and to this day, they continue to stand up bravely for the LGBTQ community. With skilled lawyers, they have developed considerable expertise in finding alternative legal pathways and adapting to the legal environment. There are also human rights organizations (Hungarian LGBT Alliance, Háttér Society, Rainbow Mission Foundation – Budapest Pride, Labrisz Lesbian Association, etc.) operating in the country, which I find particularly important because legal support allows individuals to defend themselves, even in cases of hate crimes.
Backsliding of legal situation affecting LGBTQ+ people’s lives in Hungary since 2010
Since Viktor Orbán’s government took office in 2010, Hungary has seen a gradual erosion of the rights and freedoms of the LGBT+ community. The following timeline summarizes the key events of these developments.
2010:
- Viktor Orbán and his Fidesz party gained a constitutional majority in parliament, allowing them to make sweeping legislative changes.
2012:
- Adoption of a new constitution that defines marriage exclusively as the union of a man and a woman, thus de facto banning same-sex marriage.
2018:
- The Hungarian government revokes accreditation for gender studies programs at universities, arguing that there is no job market for graduates in this field.
2020:
- Parliament passed a law that makes it legally unrecognizable to change gender, making it impossible for transgender people to change their gender officially.
- A constitutional amendment is passed that bans the adoption of children by same-sex couples and reinforces traditional family values.
2021:
- Passage of a law banning the distribution of content depicting or promoting homosexuality or gender reassignment to minors, leading to restrictions on LGBT+ topics in schools and media.
2025:
- In March, parliament passed a law banning Pride marches and allowing the use of facial recognition technology to identify and fine participants. The move sparked protests and is seen as a further attack on the rights of the LGBT+ community.
The measures have led to international criticism and concerns about human rights abuses in Hungary.
Selected Hungarian resources on local societal standing of LGBTQ+ people
Béres-Deák, R. (2015). “Mit szólnak a szomszédok?” A leszbikus és meleg párok származási családja és a coming out dilemmája [“What will the neighbours say?” Families of origin of same-sex couples and the dilemma of the closet]. Socio.hu Társadalomtudományi Szemle, 5(1), 144–161. Retrieved from https://www.ceeol.com/search/article-detail?id=558043
Takács, J., & Szalma, I. (2022). A homoszexualitással kapcsolatos társadalmi attitűdök a 21. század elején Magyarországon [Social attitudes towards homosexuality in Hungary at the beginning of the 21st century]. In Társadalmi Riport 2022 (pp. 473–492). Retrieved from https://unipub.lib.uni-corvinus.hu/7821/1/473_492TRIP2022_TakacsSzalma-F.pdf
Takács, J., Dombos, T., Mészáros, G., & P. Tóth, T. (2012). Don’t ask, don’t tell, don’t bother: Homophobia and the operation of heteronormativity in the Hungarian military. In Exploring Sexuality in Central and Eastern Europe (pp. 85–108).
Has international pressure, such as EU criticism, influenced the Hungarian government’s stance or had any tangible effects?
Not at all. They perceive these efforts as attacks and are driven to resist them even more. In this parallel universe, they see themselves in constant battle with the West, and the LGBTQ issue has become one of the main battlegrounds in this fight.
LGBTQ+ Tourism and Geography
You are likely the first geographer in Hungary to research LGBTQ+ topics explicitly. I can imagine from my own experience that you must have faced a lot of challenges when you decided to study sexuality within geography?
Well, there’s a lot to say about this. Let’s start with the fact that in my native language, there are no relevant publications or research on LGBTQ+ topics from a geographical or tourism perspective. Some related disciplines, such as sociology or psychology, have a few studies, but most of them focus on social acceptance.
Another challenge was the lack of educators in Hungary who conduct research on this topic, so from an academic perspective, the only support I could receive was in research methodology. There were times when people looked at me in shock when I brought up the topic, even in academic circles.
I could also mention that at certain domestic conferences, when I talk about sexuality, the audience tends to be extremely prudish and uncomfortable, to the point that I don’t receive any questions at all. The usual reaction is simply: “Thank you, who’s the next speaker?” A fitting metaphor to describe this experience: the black sheep.
Have you been able to find support among scholars or at your institution?
My institution is very LGBTQ-friendly—at least, I can confidently say this about the Geography Institute in Pécs. Overall, I have not encountered any resistance, but at the same time, I have not received substantial support either. My direct instructors provided me with mental and thematic support, as well as encouragement, but in terms of professional guidance, I found very few experts in Hungary who seriously researched this topic.
What have been the key findings of your research on LGBTQ+ tourism in Hungary? How does the country compare to other destinations in the region?
The main findings indicate that in terms of tourism motivations and habits, Hungarian LGBTQ+ individuals do not differ significantly from cisheterosexuals. However, their preferences are supplemented by a strong demand for destinations that have an open, inclusive society and a gay-friendly attitude. This demand becomes more pronounced with higher levels of education.
Regarding mental and experienced tourism spaces, it is clear that Hungarian LGBTQ+ individuals are fully aware of LGBTQ+ tourism hubs across Europe. However, when it comes to their actual travel experiences, a different pattern emerges. Domestic destinations are the most dominant, and when traveling abroad, neighboring countries—such as Croatia—are among the most popular choices. This is not a group-specific phenomenon, as these destinations are also common among the general population. However, unlike Hungarian cisheterosexual travelers, LGBTQ+ individuals are more likely to choose explicitly gay-friendly destinations, such as Spain, which is less common among the general Hungarian population.
Migration-related research also revealed that most LGBTQ+ individuals in Hungary would prefer to move to Budapest. Those who consider moving abroad primarily choose gay-friendly areas, particularly major cities in Western Europe. The main driving factors behind this are economic opportunities and the ability to live their sexual identity safely. This highlights the significant role of homophobia as a push factor and LGBTQ-friendly environments as a pull factor in both tourism and migration.
Regarding the development of LGBTQ+ tourism in Budapest, Hungarian university students generally expressed permissive and positive opinions.
Has the growing hostility towards LGBTQ+ people in Hungary affected domestic and international LGBTQ+ tourism?
In my opinion, it will definitely affect international inbound tourism. Even in S. Monaco’s (2022) research in Italy, Hungary already appeared as a destination to avoid.
Tourism is an opportunity—an opportunity to escape, to break free from a homophobic environment, and to be oneself. In this sense, LGBTQ-friendly destinations can serve as safe havens for individuals. Traveling can bring hope, making people realize that their negative surroundings are not the only reality and that they are not alone. In this way, tourism has the potential to change lives, as traveling often leads to personal transformation. Additionally, tourism can serve as a test run for future migration decisions.
This brings me back to the most recent news which resonated also in Czech media. On March 18th, Hungarian parliament passed a law that bans Pride events and introduces facial recognition technology to monitor potential protests. What are the immediate consequences of these new restrictions?
This is yet another step toward dictatorship. It is difficult to say this, but I believe recent events have made it clear whether Hungary can still be considered a democracy or a free country. This is no longer just about the LGBTQ+ community; it concerns anyone who thinks independently and critically of the system. Even if the sole purpose of such measures is intimidation, they are unacceptable. What will come next? Will we have to walk the streets wearing pink triangles tomorrow?
Do you think these laws will further radicalize the government’s stance, or is there potential for change?
I am not optimistic about this issue. As a Hungarian social researcher, I believe this could continue for a long time, especially given the current global context. The level of social resistance in Hungary is relatively low. In other countries, such extreme homophobia and corruption would have already sparked massive public opposition. But here, the “frog has been boiled slowly,” and it no longer jumps out of the pot. The most positive scenario, in the case of a government change in 2026, would be to reverse these radical measures. However, I see little chance for significant progress in LGBTQ+ rights in the coming years.
Even with a government change in the next five years, I see no realistic chance of achieving an acceptable level of progress. At best, the previous status quo might be restored, but that is far from enough.
This lookout is not very positive, how can researchers, activists, and international organizations best support LGBTQ+ rights in Hungary in the coming years?
This is a good question. I would say visibility—representation at Budapest and Pécs Pride events. Direct international funding opportunities that bypass the Hungarian government. Greater pressure from the European Union. For many LGBTQ+ people, the only source of hope comes from the EU and international organizations taking a supportive stance. Perhaps also through information campaigns and advertisements, even in rural areas of Hungary. A program to educate people against homophobia—through flyers, billboards, etc.—might not be a bad idea. It sounds simplistic, but unfortunately, such basic tools are already being used to fuel hostility against LGBTQ+ people.
Is there anything else you’d like to add about your research or the broader situation in Hungary?
The most painful part of all this is that those in power do not care, even for a moment, about the immense social damage their decisions cause. In fact, they are fueling homophobia, as these policies give justification to those who commit homophobic attacks and discrimination. This is a crime against society.
Thank you for your time Balász, I wish you all the best in the coming years.
